Are presidential democracies more prone to becoming dictatorships than parliamentary democracies?

Submitted by: SMendoza 75

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SUMMARIES OF STUDIES
Total studies in list: 24 showing 20 studies at a time
Sorted by publication year
1
Presidential Republics Are Not Inherently Unfit To Govern
"It is rather surprising that there should not have been a systematic attempt by political scientists, at any rate for many decades, to account for the fact that, while the presidential republic flourished during over two centuries in the United States, even if with some problems, no European country should have successfully adopted that model in the course of several decades following American independence: as a matter of fact, the only occasion in which such an attempt was made was in France in 1848; but, in 1852, the president who had been elected by universal suffrage, the nephew of Napoleon, usurped his powers, dismissed the constitution and set up an ‘empire’.Perhaps not surprisingly, American-type presidentialism was regarded for a century, at any rate in France, as leading directly to dictatorship. Meanwhile, in Latin America, where the presidential model had been widely adopted, the results were at best unconvincing. Yet, if the presidential republic was good for America, why could such a model of government be ineffective or even ‘dangerous’ elsewhere?"
AUTHOR
Jean Blondel
PUBLISHED
2015 in Palgrave Macmillan, London
UNRANKED SOURCE
No
No
2
Presidentialism Reconsidered: The Relevance of an Old Debate
"This article takes us back to scholarly debates that raged through the 1990s on the ‘perils of presidentialism’ for new democracies, and the suitability or otherwise of presidential democracy as a political system for ethnically divided societies. It shows convincingly that this debate remains relevant today, with so many ‘Third Wave’ democracies having chosen presidential systems as part of their constitutional arrangements. As the author notes, ‘the number of “basically open” regimes with a presidential form of government has been following a steady upward trend since 1976, and increased significantly from only nine in 1955 to 38 in 2007’. The article also provides a classification of presidential electoral systems over time that is very relevant to the debate on presidentialism and the risk of ethnic violence. It seems to me, however, that the author misses some of the most important conclusions about the subject presented by her own data. By surveying the debates of previous decades so faithfully she neglects several opportunities to break new ground and overlooks more recent developments, both in terms of actual institutional choices in presidential democ- racies as well as the findings of other scholarly studies."
AUTHOR
Benjamin Reilly
PUBLISHED
2013 in Ethnopolitics
High quality source
Couldn't Identify
Couldn't Identify
3
Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism
"The presidential-parliamentary distinction is foundational to comparative politics and at the center of a large theoretical and empirical literature. However, an examination of constitutional texts suggests a fair degree of heterogeneity within these categories with respect to important institutional attributes. These observations lead us to suspect that the classic presidential-parliamentary distinction, as well as the semi-presidential category, is not a systemic one. This paper investigates whether the defining attributes that separate presidential and parliamentary constitutions predict other attributes that are stereotypically associated with these institutional models. The results lead us to be highly skeptical of the “systemic” nature of the classification. Indeed, the results imply that if one wanted to predict the powers of the executive and legislature, one would be better off knowing where and when the constitution was written than in knowing whether it was presidential or parliamentary."
AUTHORS
Tom Ginsburg
Zachary Elkins
Jose A. Cheibub
PUBLISHED
2013 in SSRN Electronic Journal
Preprint
No
No
4
AUTHOR
Byung Jin Han
PUBLISHED
2012 in The Journal of Social Sciences
UNRANKED SOURCE
Yes
Yes
5
Presidential and Democratic Breakdowns in Latin America: Similar Causes, Different Outcomes (Chapter)
"This volume is the first comprehensive analysis of a new type of executive instability without regime instability in Latin America referred to as "presidential breakdown." It includes a theoretical introduction framing the debate within the institutional literature on democracy and democratization, and the implications of this new type of executive instability for presidential democracies. Two comparative chapters analyze the causes, procedures, and outcomes of presidential breakdowns in a regional perspective, and country studies provide in-depth analyses of all countries in Latin America that have experienced one or several presidential breakdowns: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Guatemala, Paraguay, Peru, and Venezuela. The book also includes an epilogue on the 2009 presidential crisis in Honduras."
AUTHORS
Leiv Marsteintredet
Michael E. Álvarez
PUBLISHED
2010 in Presidential Breakdowns in Latin America
Couldn't Identify
Couldn't Identify
6
Introduction: Presidentialism and Presidential Breakdowns in Latin America
"When Juan Linz published his book on the breakdown of democratic regimes, the third wave of democratization was just beginning in Latin America. At the time, military regimes and regime instability had been the rule for decades, and in this context Linz argued that, among other factors, the characteristics of presidentialism, the prevailing regime type in the region, could explain Latin America’s endemic instability and authoritarian tendencies. Thirty years on, however, the third wave seems to have marked the end of democratic breakdown and long-lived authoritarian regimes. Latin America is still dominated by a variety of presidential regimes and, with few exceptions, democracy, albeit imperfect, holds sway from the Rio Bravo to Tierra del Fuego. Even though democratic regime breakdowns are less of a peril now than they were thirty years ago, government crises have persisted into the democratic era. These crises, which in contemporary Latin America occur separately from regime crises, are the object of study of this book."
AUTHORS
Leiv Marsteintredet
Mariana Llanos
PUBLISHED
2010 in Palgrave Macmillan, New York
UNRANKED SOURCE
Couldn't Identify
Couldn't Identify
7
Presidential breakdowns in Latin America: Causes and outcomes of executive instability in developing democracies
"This volume is the first comprehensive analysis of a new type of executive instability without regime instability in Latin America referred to as "presidential breakdown." It includes a theoretical introduction framing the debate within the institutional literature on democracy and democratization, and the implications of this new type of executive instability for presidential democracies. Two comparative chapters analyze the causes, procedures, and outcomes of presidential breakdowns in a regional perspective, and country studies provide in depth analyses of all countries in Latin America that have experienced one or several presidential breakdowns: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Guatemala, Paraguay, Peru, and Venezuela."
AUTHORS
Leiv Marsteintredet
Mariana Llanos
PUBLISHED
2010 in Presidential Breakdowns in Latin America: Causes and Outcomes of Executive Instability in Developing Democracies
UNRANKED SOURCE
Couldn't Identify
Couldn't Identify
8
Perils of Parliamentarism? Political Systems and the Stability of Democracy Revisited
"Parliamentary systems are generally regarded as superior to presidential ones in democratic sustenance. This article contributes to the debate on the relationship between systems of government and the survival of democracy by bringing in a new perspective and analysing the experiences of 131 democracies during 1960–2006. We argue that systems of government do matter, but their effects are indirect; they exert their influence through societies’ prior democratic records. Confirming the conventional argument, our data analysis shows that uninterrupted parliamentary democracies face significantly lower risks of a first breakdown than their presidential counterparts. Contrary to the common understanding, however, we find that the risk of a democratic breakdown can be higher for parliamentary regimes than for presidential regimes among the countries whose democracy has collapsed in the past. Furthermore, the risk of a previously failed democracy falling again grows as (the risk of) government crises increase(s). Hence our study questions the common belief that parliamentary systems are categorically more conducive to democratic stability than presidential ones."
AUTHORS
Sawa Omori
Taeko Hiroi
PUBLISHED
2009 in Democratization
High quality source
No
No
9
The Failure of Presidentialism in Central Asia
"Abstract Institutional design can impact the dynamics of power relations in Central Asian states. Majoritarianism and the rigidity of the fixed terms of presidential systems are amplified by the personalist regimes of Central Asia, often leading to instability. A parliamentary system may reduce the political repression of these regimes by decreasing the stakes in each particular election. It may also increase stability due to the higher flexibility of the system. The effectiveness of the parliamentary system, however, depends largely on the existence of strong cohesive parties. Abstract Institutional design can impact the dynamics of power relations in Central Asian states. Majoritarianism and the rigidity of the fixed terms of presidential systems are amplified by the personalist regimes of Central Asia, often leading to instability. A parliamentary system may reduce the political repression of these regimes by decreasing the stakes in each particular election. It may also increase stability due to the higher flexibility of the system. The effectiveness of the parliamentary system, however, depends largely on the existence of strong cohesive parties."
AUTHOR
Sherzod Abdukadirov
PUBLISHED
2009 in Asian Journal of Political Science
Q3
Yes
Yes
10
Measuring the Presidential Risk Factor: A Comment on Cheibub’s Presidentialism, Parliamentarism, and Democracy
"I argue that the vision of “self-enforcing” democratization found in, for example, Przeworski (1992) and Acemoglou and Robinson (2007)—wherein democracy represents an organic balance of power between society’s actors, arrived at through a potentially long process of political give and take—is relevant for understanding an important difference between the modal democracies born during and after the Cold War. Given the logic of the self-enforcing democratization literature, and the evidence of an increased incidence of “electoral authoritarianism” in the Cold War period, I demonstrate that we should expect a much smaller estimated impact of the presidential risk factor after the Cold War than during it, even if presidentialism’s effect on breakdown remains constant."
AUTHOR
William C. Terry
PUBLISHED
2008 in Symposium: Democracy and Its Development 2005-2011
UNRANKED SOURCE
Yes
Yes
11
Presidentialism, Parliamentarism, and Democracy
"Is presidentialism harmful to democratic consolidation? The literature (Linz 1990) provides theoretical grounds linking presidentialism and authoritarian reversals. However, contradictory findings generate scholarly disagreements and suspicions regarding the claim. To solve this puzzle, I propose that democratic breakdown needs to be understood as a two-step process, from democratic crisis to democratic breakdown. By doing so, I argue that Linz's argument on the curse of presidentialism is valid. I argue that presidentialism generates political instability through its institutions which are associated with the emergence of democratic crisis, but political instability does not lead a democracy from democratic crisis to democratic breakdown. Therefore, once a crisis occurs, presidentialism has no explanatory power on whether the existing crisis will successfully lead to a democratic breakdown. Using the data covering all democratic regimes from 1946 to 2008 with regime-year as the unit of analysis and the Heckman probit selection model as the main estimation, I demonstrate that presidential democracies are more likely to encounter crises compared to parliamentarism and semi-presidentialism. However, once a crisis is present, presidentialism does not warrant a higher likelihood of breakdown. Therefore, the findings suggest that Linz was correct about presidentialism generating unstable democracies, but not in the way in which he theorized. That is, presidentialism indirectly contributes to the likelihood of democratic breakdown."
AUTHOR
Jose Antonio Cheibub
PUBLISHED
2007 by Cambridge University Press
Couldn't Identify
Couldn't Identify
12
Facing the Perils of Presidentialism?
"Juan Linz's classic article laid out 4 major perils of presidentialism in the context of Latin American experience, which unleashed a flood of scholarship about the topic. Very little of the literature, however, has taken account of recent developments in East Asia, where the majority of new democracies have presidential systems. Here, Fukuyama et al consider the developments in the Philippines, Indonesia, South Korea, and Taiwan, and explore to what extent Linz's critique and prediction have been borne out in East Asia."
AUTHORS
Boo-Seung Chang
Bjorn Dressel
Francis Fukuyama
PUBLISHED
2005 in Journal of Democracy
High quality source
Couldn't Identify
Couldn't Identify
13
Minority Governments, Deadlock Situations, and the Survival of Presidential Democracies
"What are the conditions that generate minority presidents, minority governments, and deadlock in presidential regimes? What is the impact of minority presidents, minority governments, and deadlock on the survival of these regimes? Based on data for all presidential democracies that existed between 1946 and 1996, the author shows (a) that characteristics of the electoral and party systems do affect the level of support for the president in congress and hence the probability of minority presidents and minority governments; (b) that these characteristics, and the minority governments they generate, do not make deadlock more likely; and (c) that minority presidents, minority governments, and deadlock do not affect the survival of presidential democracies. Together, these findings suggest that the view that explains the instability of presidential democracies in terms of the type of executive-legislative relations these regimes are likely to induce must be abandoned. The author offers two reasons, institutional in nature, that may account for the instability of presidential regimes."
AUTHOR
JOSÉ ANTONIO CHEIBUB
PUBLISHED
2002 in Comparative Political Studies
High quality source
Couldn't Identify
Couldn't Identify
14
Democratic Institutions And Regime Survival: Parliamentary and Presidential Democracies Reconsidered
"We review arguments and empirical evidence in the comparative literature that bear on the differences in the survival rates of parliamentary and presidential democracies. Most of these arguments focus on the fact that presidential democracies are based on the separation of executive and legislative powers, whereas parliamentary democracies are based on the fusion of these powers. The implications of this basic distinction lead to radically different behavior and outcomes under each regime. We argue that this perspective is misguided and that one cannot deduce the functioning of the political system from the way governments are formed. Other provisions, constitutional and otherwise, also affect the way parliamentary and presidential democracies operate, and these provisions may counteract some of the tendencies that we would expect to observe if we derived the regime's performance from its basic constitutional principle."
AUTHOR
José Antonio Cheibub Fernando Limongi
PUBLISHED
2002 in Annual Review of Political Science
High quality source
Couldn't Identify
Couldn't Identify
15
AUTHOR
Stephen D. Wrage
PUBLISHED
1998 in International Studies Review
High quality source
Couldn't Identify
Couldn't Identify
16
Juan Linz, Presidentialism, and Democracy: A Critical Appraisal
"The perils of presidential systems are not as great as Juan Linz has argued. Presidentialism is less oriented toward winner-takes-all results than Westminster parliamentary systems. The superior record of parliamentary systems has rested partly on where they have been implemented, and presidentialism has some advantages that partially offset its drawbacks. These advantages can be maximized by paying careful attention to differences among presidential systems. Finally, switching from presidential to parliamentary systems could exacerbate problems of governability in countries with undisciplined parties. Even if parliamentary government is more conducive to stable democracy, much rests on what kind of parliamentary or presidential system is implemented."
AUTHORS
Matthew S. Shugart
Scott Mainwaring
PUBLISHED
1997 in Comparative Politics
High quality source
Couldn't Identify
Couldn't Identify
17
Presidential Institutions and Democratic Politics: Comparing Regional and National Contexts
"While many comparative analysts see parliamentary government as essential for stable democracy, this volume argues that the American presidential system that separates and diffuses power can provide new perspectives for those building democratic institutions in Latin America, Eastern Europe, and the new republics of the former Soviet Union. The authors recognize risks of rigidity, gridlock, and excessive centralization in presidential institutions. But they also emphasize the unexpected levels of legislative productivity during periods of divided government, the dramatic reversal of declining popularity by Presidents Reagan and Clinton, and the importance of direct appeals by presidents to the nation.After examining the American presidential system, the authors focus on the de-facto separation of powers in European parliaments and presidentialism in France, Latin America, and Eastern Europe. Both trends in European parliamentary systems and the dramatic changes within French presidential institutions suggest that scholars should temper broad generalizations about presidential or parliamentary government."
AUTHOR
Kurt Von Mettenheim
PUBLISHED
1997 in Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press
UNRANKED SOURCE
Couldn't Identify
Couldn't Identify
18
AUTHOR
Anthony Mughan
PUBLISHED
1995 in International Studies Review
High quality source
Couldn't Identify
Couldn't Identify
19
Electoral Laws and the Survival of Presidential Democracies
"In orderd to demonstrate the importance of a strong presidential legislative contingent for the successful functioning of democratic presidential government, Jones offers an examination of electoral data and examples from two separate populations: sixtenn Latin American presidential democracies and twenty-three Argentine provincial systems. Jones uses these data as evidence to support his argument that presidential systems that consistently fail to provide their president with adequate legislative support are inherently unstable and ineffective."
AUTHOR
Mark P Jones
PUBLISHED
1995 in Title from the Helen Kellogg Institute for International Studies
UNRANKED SOURCE
Yes
Yes
20
The Failure of Presidential Democracy
""With a superb cast of contributors and a well-chosen sample of countries, The Failure of Presidential Democracy treats a central issue in the world today, as more and more countries try to construct durable democracies. It also reflects the new emphasis in political science on institutions, an area that has been sorely neglected in Latin American studies. Indeed, the book fills a huge informational and analytical gap on institutional arrangements in Latin American political systems. This is a stimulating, thoughtful, and relevant book—well suited to classroom use in courses on comparative politics and Latin American politics."—Paul W. Drake, University of California, San Diego. Complete Edition."
AUTHOR
Juan J. Linz
PUBLISHED
1994 by JHU Press
Couldn't Identify
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ADDITIONAL STUDIES TO CONSIDER ADDING TO LIST
Total additional studies: 30
State of K's algorithms generated the list of studies below based on the studies that were added to the above list. Some of these studies may also examine: "Are presidential democracies more prone to becoming dictatorships than parliamentary democracies?" If a study examines this question, add it to the list by pressing the button.

Only add studies that examine the same question. Do not add studies that are merely on the same topic.

Presidents and Assemblies
You can view the abstract at: https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139173988
AUTHORS
John M. Carey
Matthew Soberg Shugart
PUBLISHED
1992 by Cambridge University Press (Book)

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Institutional Choice between Presidentialism and Parliamentarism
You can view the abstract at: https://doi.org/10.5823/jarees.2005.109
AUTHOR
Yuko TSUDA
PUBLISHED
2005 in Russian and East European Studies

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Presidentialism and democracy in Latin America
You can view the abstract at: https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.35-3543
PUBLISHED
1998 in Choice Reviews Online

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Semi-Presidentialism and Democracy
"Explores the effect of semi-presidentialism on newly-democratising countries. In recent years semi-presidentialism - the situation where a constitution makes provision for both a directly elected president and a prime minister who is responsible to the legislature - has become the regime type of choice for many countries."
AUTHORS
Y. Wu
S. Moestrup
R. Elgie
PUBLISHED
2011 by Springer (Book)

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Perils of parliamentarism? Political systems and the stability of democracy revisited
"Parliamentary systems are generally regarded as superior to presidential ones in democratic sustenance. This article contributes to the debate on the relationship between systems of government and the survival of democracy by bringing in a new perspective and analysing the experiences of 131 democracies during 1960–2006. We argue that systems of government do matter, but their effects are indirect; they exert their influence through societies’ prior democratic records.

Confirming the conventional argument, our data analysis shows that uninterrupted parliamentary democracies face significantly lower risks of a first breakdown than their presidential counterparts. Contrary to the common understanding, however, we find that the risk of a democratic breakdown can be higher for parliamentary regimes than for presidential regimes among the countries whose democracy has collapsed in the past. Furthermore, the risk of a previously failed democracy falling again grows as (the risk of) government crises increase(s).

Hence our study questions the common belief that parliamentary systems are categorically more conducive to democratic stability than presidential ones."
AUTHORS
Sawa Omori
Taeko Hiroi
PUBLISHED
2009 in Democratization

Add to List
Perils of parliamentarism? Political systems and the stability of democracy revisited
"Parliamentary systems are generally regarded as superior to presidential ones in democratic sustenance. This article contributes to the debate on the relationship between systems of government and the survival of democracy by bringing in a new perspective and analysing the experiences of 131 democracies during 1960–2006. We argue that systems of government do matter, but their effects are indirect; they exert their influence through societies’ prior democratic records. Confirming the conventional argument, our data analysis shows that uninterrupted parliamentary democracies face significantly lower risks of a first breakdown than their presidential counterparts. Contrary to the common understanding, however, we find that the risk of a democratic breakdown can be higher for parliamentary regimes than for presidential regimes among the countries whose democracy has collapsed in the past. Furthermore, the risk of a previously failed democracy falling again grows as (the risk of) government crises increase(s). Hence our study questions the common belief that parliamentary systems are categorically more conducive to democratic stability than presidential ones."
AUTHORS
Sawa Omori
Taeko Hiroi
PUBLISHED
in Democratization

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The Perils of Parliamentarism: Chasing the Flows of the Third Wave of Democratization in Asia
"What is the present state of democracy among the Asian countries that were (re)democratized during the third wave of democratization? What makes the differences? Why some specific factors play prominent role on the deepening of democracy among them? These are the primary questions of this study. The findings from ten young Asian democracies are as follows. First, all the Asian countries that (re)democratized during the third wave of democratization are practicing democratic system at present. Six of them experienced the breakdowns, while four remain as a continuous democracy. Second, out of eleven structural and institutional factors, examined in this research, only the presidential system has clearer positive impact and economic development has a partial effect on the deepening of democracy. Indirect dictatorship or dominancy of family politics in the parliamentary democracies is found as main reason for the perils of parliamentarism among young Asian democracies."
AUTHORS
Tikaram Aryal
Girdhari Subedi
Sanjeev Humagain
PUBLISHED
2020 in Journal of APF Command and Staff College

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Explaining democratic survival globally (1946-2002)
"Do parliamentary regimes outperform presidential ones in reducing\ndemocratic breakdown? Given the relatively higher breakdown rate\nof presidential regimes as compared to that of parliamentary regimes,\nwhich factors can explain the breakdown of presidential democracies?\nUsing an original global dataset covering 85 countries from 1946\nto 2002, this study shows presidential democracies are not intrinsically\nmore likely to collapse than parliamentary ones. The study also reveals\nthe oft-cited ``military legacy{''} cannot explain breakdowns of\npresidential democracies. Instead, a less effective legislature and\nunfavorable U.S. foreign policy, two neglected factors in the extant\nliterature, can robustly explain the breakdown of presidential democracies.\nThis research confirms more effective legislatures are more likely\nto achieve oversight of the military and reduce the latter's threats\nto democratic survival than less effective legislatures. A test for\nsimultaneity bias indicates the type of political regime does not\nexert a causal effect on legislative effectiveness."
AUTHOR
Ming Sing
PUBLISHED
in Journal of Politics

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Deviations from proportionality and survival in new parliamentary democracies
"This article builds on the work of Stepan and Skach (1993, World Politics 46(1), 1–22) who find that new parliamentary democracies are more likely to survive than new presidential democracies. They argue that parliamentary systems are more inclusive and promote problem solving. However, Stepan and Skach do not explore differences within parliamentary systems, such as the presence of proportional representation (PR) or plurality electoral rules. Disaggregating new parliamentary democracies by their deviations from proportionality reveals that less proportional systems are more likely to survive than those with highly proportional outcomes. Hence, the kind of electoral system within parliamentary systems appears to be an important factor for new democracies."
AUTHOR
Robert E Bohrer
PUBLISHED
in Electoral Studies

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PEMILIHAN UMUM DENGAN MODEL “PARLIAMENTARY THRESHOLD” MENUJU PEMERINTAHAN YANG DEMOKRATIS DI INDONESIA
"Law Number 10 of 2008 as organic statute, as more comprehensive statute and comply with answering problem challenge in running general election.General election as democratic party, as symbol and also as democracy landmark. In the other side, general election as one of foremost means to reinforcing democracy living order which function as health instrument and accomplishing democracy, not as democracy aims. General election with parliamentary threshold 25% unable to realizes democratic government in Indonesia. Cause combination between presidential government system and multiparty system proved that emerging instability political, then president position become weak. Indonesia democratic parliamentary threshold in order to form legitimate governmental, by improving parliamentary threshold from 2,5 percent gradually.Keywords: general election, democracy, parliamentary threshold"
AUTHOR
Abdul Rokhim
PUBLISHED
2011 in DiH: Jurnal Ilmu Hukum

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Unravelling semi-presidentialism: democracy and government performance in four distinct regime types
"ABSTRACTDo semi-presidential regimes perform worse than other regime types? Semi-presidentialism has become a preferred choice among constitution makers worldwide. The semi-presidential category contains anything but a coherent set of regimes, however. We need to separate between its two subtypes, premier-presidentialism and president-parliamentarism. Following Linz’s argument that presidentialism and semi-presidentialism are less conducive to democracy than parliamentarism a number of studies have empirically analysed the functioning and performance of semi-presidentialism. However, these studies have investigated the performance of semi-presidential subtypes in isolation from other constitutional regimes. By using indicators on regime performance and democracy, the aim of this study is to examine the performance of premier-presidential and president-parliamentary regimes in relation to parliamentarism and presidentialism. Premier-presidential regimes show performance records on a par with parliamentaris..."
AUTHORS
Jonas Linde
Thomas Sedelius
PUBLISHED
in Democratization

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Presidentialism, Multipartism, and Democracy
"Starting from recent analyses that have argued that presidentialism is less favorable for building stable democracy than parliamentary systems, this article argues that the combination of a multiparty system and presidentialism is especially inimical to stable democracy. None of the world's 31 stable (defined as those that have existed for at least 25 consecutive years) democracies has this institutional configuration, and only one historical example -Chile from 1933 to 1973- did so. There are there reasons why this institutional combination is problematic. First, mltiparty presidentialism is especially likely to produce immobilizing executive/legislative deadlock, and such deadlock can destabilize democracy. Second, multipartism is more likely than bipartism to produce ideological polarization, thereby complicating problems often associated with presidentialism. Finally, the combination of presidentialism and multipartism is complicated by the difficulties of interparty coalition building in presidential democracies, with deleterious consequences for democratic stability."
AUTHOR
SCOTT MAINWARING
PUBLISHED
in Comparative Political Studies

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What Have We Learned about Presidential Term Limits?
"The authors reappraise what has been learnt about presidential term limits from comparative and country studies. The importance and role of presidential term limits are contingent on political regime. In consolidated democracies presidential term limits are not only an institution but also a norm of political behavior. Term limits can be reformed without imperiling democracy when such reforms do not go beyond what is accepted as “normal,” typically when a president seeks more than two terms. In many dictatorships, term limits are unenforceable, but they may still serve as a very important pillar of collective leadership preventing personalism and facilitating succession. In unconsolidated regimes without democratic tradition or weak institutions, presidential term limits are extremely important and serve as a focal point for coordination against the possibility of a dictatorial takeover. While not sufficient, they are however a necessary condition for democratic consolidation."
AUTHORS
Alexander Baturo
Robert Elgie
PUBLISHED
2019 in The Politics of Presidential Term Limits (Book)

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Party government in Europe? Parliamentary and semi-presidential democracies compared
"Control over government portfolios is the key to power over policy and patronage, and it is commonly understood to lie with parties in European democracies. However, since the democratic transitions of the 1990s, Europe has had nearly equal numbers of parliamentary and semi-presidential regimes, and there is evidence that the ability of parties to control government posts in these two regime types differs. As yet, political scientists have a limited understanding of the scale and causes of these differences. In this article a principal-agent theoretical explanation is proposed. Data are examined on 28 parliamentary and semi-presidential democracies in Europe that shows that differences in party control over government portfolios cannot be understood without reference to the underlying principal-agent relationships between voters, elected politicians and governments that characterise Europe's semi-presidential and parliamentary regimes."
AUTHORS
Edward Morgan-Jones
Petra Schleiter
PUBLISHED
in European Journal of Political Research

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Comparative presidencies: The inadequacy of the presidential, semi-presidential and parliamentary distinction
"The role of the president is presumed to vary amongst presidential, semi-presidential and parliamentary systems. However, there are a variety of subtypes within semi-presidential systems. Debate often hinges on the prime minister and government, and to whom they are more accountable. However, the accountability of prime ministers and governments to presidents can be rather ‘fuzzy’. This article looks through the prism of the president rather than that of the government. After examining definitions of presidential, parliamentary and semi-presidential systems, several dispositional categories of political regimes will be established. Then presidential power will be assessed through a series of dichotomous measures, and for all electoral democracies with a president. Finally, the character of each category will be assessed. The concept of ‘semi-presidentialism’ is rejected in favour of more meaningful labels: presidential systems, parliamentary systems with presidential dominance, parliamentary systems with a presidential corrective and parliamentary systems with figurehead presidents."
AUTHOR
Alan Siaroff
PUBLISHED
in European Journal of Political Research

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The Psychological Effects of Presidential Institutions: Written By David Doyle and Robert Elgie
"We sketch the long-standing debate about the relative effect of presidential and parliamentary institutions on democratic performance. We identify the psychological mechanisms that underpin the argument that presidentialism is likely to be perilous for democratic performance, focusing on the likelihood of conflict between the president and the legislature under presidentialism. We outline the laboratory experiment that tests to see whether there is evidence to support the psychological mechanisms associated with the perils of presidentialism. We present the basic results of the experiment and briefly discuss their implications for both the pragmatic institutionalist account that we are presenting in this book and the more specific debate about the supposed perils of presidentialism."
AUTHOR
Robert Elgie
PUBLISHED
in Palgrave Macmillan, London

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The Virtues of Parliamentarism
"This article is just a continuation of the debate of what is best, presidentialism or parliamentarism. Linz tries to defend himself after criticism he received after publishing "The Perils of Presidentialism" (1990) in the Journal of Democracy."
AUTHOR
Juan J. (Juan José) Linz
PUBLISHED
1990 in Journal of Democracy

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Hybrid presidentialism and democratization: The case of Bolivia
"Bolivia's democratization efforts in the past decade confirm many of the perils associated with Latin American presidentialism. Owing to the complex and hybrid nature of the Bolivian presidential system, however, generalizations to the Latin American cases are difficult to make. Because it includes certain features normally associated with parliamentarism, Bolivia's system is not strictly presidential"
AUTHOR
Eduardo A Gamarra
PUBLISHED
in Presidentialism and democracy in Latin America

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The Virtues of Parliamentarism
"This article is just a continuation of the debate of what is best, presidentialism or parliamentarism. Linz tries to defend himself after criticism he received after publishing "The Perils of Presidentialism" (1990) in the Journal of Democracy."
AUTHOR
Juan J. (Juan José) Linz
PUBLISHED
in Journal of Democracy

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American Political Discourse on China
"Despite the U.S. and China’s shared economic and political interests, distrust between the nations persists. How does the United States rhetorically navigate its relationship with China in the midst of continued distrust? This book pursues this question by rhetorically analyzing U.S. news and political discourse concerning the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games, the 2010 U.S. midterm elections, the 2012 U.S. presidential election, and the 2014-2015 Chinese cyber espionage controversy. It finds that memory frames of China as the yellow peril and the red menace have combined to construct China as a threatening red peril. Red peril characterizations revive and revise yellow peril tropes of China as a moral, political, economic and military threat by imbuing them with anti-communist ideology. Tracing the origins, functions, and implications of the red peril, this study illustrates how historical representations of the Chinese threat continue to limit understanding of U.S.-Sino relations by keeping the nations’ relationship mired in the past."
AUTHOR
Michelle Murray Yang
PUBLISHED
2017 by Routledge (Book)

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The perils of semi-presidentialism. Are they exaggerated?
"There is a standard academic consensus that semi-presidentialism is perilous for new democracies. In particular, this is because semi-presidential countries run the risk of experiencing difficult periods of ?cohabitation? between a president and a prime minister who are opposed to each other, and because they may also experience periods of divided minority government that encourage the president to rule by decree and subvert the rule of law. This article examines the evidence to support these two arguments. It finds very few cases of cohabitation in young democracies and only one case where cohabitation has led directly to democratic collapse. By contrast, it finds more cases of divided minority government and more cases where divided minority government has been associated with democratic failure. However, the article also finds that young democracies have survived divided minority government. The conclusion is that, to date, there is insufficient evidence to support the long-standing and highly intuitive argument that cohabitation is dangerous for new democracies. There is more evidence to support the much newer argument about the dangers of divided minority government. Even so, more work is needed in this area before we can conclude that semi-presidentialism is inherently perilous."
AUTHOR
Robert Elgie
PUBLISHED
2008 in Democratization

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Presidentialism and Democracy - Spanish - Linz,Jj
"This paper briefly reviews and critically assesses Juan Linz's arguments about the perils of presidentialism. We largely agree with Linz that presidentialism as it normally practiced is less likely than parliamentarism to sustain democratic government. Nevertheless, we introduce a number of caveats into the argument. Although we agree with most aspects of Linz's four major criticisms of presidentialism, we disagree with one of them: we argue that presidentialism is less oriented towards winner-takes-all results than Westminster parliamentary systems. We also claim that presidentialism has some advantages that partially offset its drawbacks. These advantages can be maximized by paying careful attention to differences among presidential systems; we build a case for presidencies with weak legislative powers. Presidentialism also appears to be more viable with parties that are at least moderately disciplined, and it is especially problematic with highly fragmented multiparty systems and with congressional elections that occur more frequently than presidential elections. Finally, we argue that switching from presidentialism to parliamentarism could exacerbate problems of governability in countries with very undisciplined parties. All of these points suggest that even if Linz is largely correct in his argument that parliamentary governments is more conducive to stable democracy, a great deal rests on what kind of parliamentarism and what kind of presidentialism are implemented."
AUTHORS
M S Shugart
S Mainwaring
PUBLISHED
1994 in Desarrollo Economico-Revista De Ciencias Sociales

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A Troubled Marriage? Divided Minority Government, Cohabitation, Presidential Powers, President-Parliamentarism and Semi-Presidentialism
"<p>Although semi-presidentialism is a popular form of governance in new democracies, we have little empirical evidence supporting its popularity. In this study, I attempt to reassess democratic performance of new semi-presidential regimes from 1974 to 2009 as a function of four broadly cited risk factors: divided minority government, cohabitation, presidential powers and president-parliamentarism. The results are more encouraging than previous research has suggested. First, divided minority government is positively associated with higher levels of democracy, even though it, along with a strong presidency and president-parliamentarism, makes executive instability more likely. Second, perils of cohabitation are not substantiated with regard to executive instability and quality of democracy. Third, none of the caveats against semi-presidential systems makes them more vulnerable to democratic breakdown. However, a failure to check presidential powers appears to be a serious risk for semi-presidentialism. As presidents enjoy more powers, the levels of democracy tend to decrease. This finding has a substantive implication for countries that already practise semi-presidential governance or contemplate a move in that direction: checking presidential powers is critical to facilitate democratic consolidation in semi-presidentialism.</p>"
AUTHOR
Young Hun Kim
PUBLISHED
in Government and Opposition

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Presidential or Parlamentary Democracy: Does It Make a Difference?
""With a superb cast of contributors and a well-chosen sample of countries, The Failure of Presidential Democracy treats a central issue in the world today, as more and more countries try to construct durable democracies. It also reflects the new emphasis in political science on institutions, an area that has been sorely neglected in Latin American studies. Indeed, the book fills a huge informational and analytical gap on institutional arrangements in Latin American political systems. This is a stimulating, thoughtful, and relevant book-well suited to classroom use in courses on comparative politics and Latin American politics."-Paul W. Drake, University of California, San Diego. Complete Edition."
AUTHOR
Juan J Linz
PUBLISHED
1994 in The Failure of Presidential Democracy

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Theorizing Presidential Rotation
"Throughout history, democracies have practised rotation in office; that is, they have periodically required certain political officials to step down and allow others to take their places. Presidential term limits are a contemporary manifestation of this phenomenon. But why should democracies insist upon rotation? This chapter, revisits the practices of Classical Athens to see what lessons can be learned regarding rotation (especially the practice of presidential term limits) today. My conclusions are largely negative. Rotation did things for Athens that it does not do today, and rotation does things today that it did not do for Athens. This is because the context within which rotation took place was radically different in Athens than it is today. As a result, while rotation made a critical contribution to democracy in Athens, presidential term limits do not make this contribution today."
AUTHOR
Peter Stone
PUBLISHED

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Presidentialism and democracy in Latin America
"This book addresses the current debate regarding the liabilities and merits of presidential government. Does presidentialism make it less likely that democratic governments will be able to manage political conflict? With the unprecedented wave of transitions to democracy since the 1970s, this question has been hotly contested in political and intellectual circles all over the globe. The contributors to this volume examine variations among different presidential systems and skeptically view claims that presidentialism has added significantly to the problems of democratic governance and stability."
AUTHORS
Matthew Soberg Shugart
Scott Mainwaring
PUBLISHED
in Cambridge studies in comparative politics

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Evaluating Argentina's Presidential Democracy: 1983–1995
"This 1997 book addresses the current debate regarding the liabilities and merits of presidential government. Does presidentialism make it less likely that democratic governments will be able to manage political conflict? With the unprecedented wave of transitions to democracy since the 1970s, this question has been hotly contested in political and intellectual circles all over the globe. The contributors to this volume examine variations among different presidential systems and skeptically view claims that presidentialism has added significantly to the problems of democratic governance and stability."
AUTHOR
Mark P. Jones
PUBLISHED
in Presidentialism & Democracy in Latin America

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Semi-presidentialism and democracy
""This book explores the effect of semi-presidentialism on newly-democratising countries. In recent years semi-presidentialism -- the situation where a constitution makes provision for both a directly elected president and a prime minister who is responsible to the legislature -- has become the regime type of choice for many countries"-- Semi-Presidentalism and Democracy breaks new ground by offering a truly global review of the performance of democracy in countries with semi-presidential constitutions The authors discuss the choice of semi-presidentialism, its different subtypes, the performance of democracy under the system and its subtypes and chart its likely evolution in the future. Starting with a reliable definition of semi-presidentialism that is based on core constitutional features, contributors investigate the presence of systematic variation across the diverse range of semi-presidential democracies. Comprising large-n comparative analysis, regional studies of Western Europe, the former USSR, Africa and East Asia, and individual case studies of Haiti, Moldova, Portugal, Taiwan, Ukraine and Weimar Germany, this volume explores a number of well-founded conclusions and suggests new avenues for the study of semi-presidentialism."
AUTHORS
Yu Shan Wu
Sophia Moestrup
Robert Elgie
PUBLISHED
in Semi-Presidentialism and Democracy

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