Are presidential democracies more prone to becoming dictatorships than parliamentary democracies?

Submitted by: SMendoza 75

We don't have sufficient data on the studies below to give you a short answer.
This short answer was generated by aggregating the answers that each of the 24 studies below gave to the question (as indicated by State of K members) and adjusting for source quality and other factors. If key studies are missing or the answers attributed to individual studies are incorrect, the above answer could be wrong.
5
YES ANSWERS
3
NO ANSWERS
1
MIXED RESULTS ANSWERS
0
INSUFFICIENT EVIDENCE ANSWERS
15
NO DATA ON ANSWER


Chart summary of 24 studies examining this question
Showing up to 10 at a time

All answers are assigned by State of K users. The label Mixed means that a study found some evidence to indicate that the answer to the question is "yes" and some evidence to indicate that the answer is "no". This label is often applied when a study uses two or more proxies to study the same phenomenon (i.e. firearm sales figures and self-reported firearm ownership rates as proxies for the prevalence of firearms) and the proxies yield different results when looking for correlations with another phenomenon (i.e. firearm-related deaths). Alternatively, the label may be applied if the phenomenon under study (i.e. whether breast milk improves cognitive function) is true for one group, but not another (i.e. true for girls, but not for boys). The label Insuff. Evidence means that a study found there was insufficient evidence to reach a conclusion regarding the question. The label No Data means that State of K wasn't able to identify the study's response to the question based on the information that was available. This label is often applied when the person creating the list does not have access to the full text and the answer isn't clear from the abstract.

All labels of Literature Reviews and Highly Regarded Source are assigned by State of K. The label Highly Regarded Source, as applied to journals, is a label assigned to the top 20 journals (as measured by the h-index) in various subcategories as classified and reported by Google Scholar. As applied to NGOs, the label is assigned to US NGOs ranked by the TTCSP Global Go To Think Tank Index Reports. The information contained in a source that is labelled "highly regarded" is not necessarily more accurate than information contained in a source without that label.

Additional Recommended Studies Not in this List (yet)

QUESTIONS TO CONSIDER
Add question
What additional question do you want someone who searches for "are presidential democracies more prone to becoming dictatorships than parliamentary democracies" to consider?

SUMMARIES OF STUDIES
Total studies in list: 24 showing 20 studies at a time
Sorted by publication year
1
Presidential Republics Are Not Inherently Unfit To Govern
"It is rather surprising that there should not have been a systematic attempt by political scientists, at any rate for many decades, to account for the fact that, while the presidential republic flourished during over two centuries in the United States, even if with some problems, no European country should have successfully adopted that model in the course of several decades following American independence: as a matter of fact, the only occasion in which such an attempt was made was in France in 1848; but, in 1852, the president who had been elected by universal suffrage, the nephew of Napoleon, usurped his powers, dismissed the constitution and set up an ‘empire’.Perhaps not surprisingly, American-type presidentialism was regarded for a century, at any rate in France, as leading directly to dictatorship. Meanwhile, in Latin America, where the presidential model had been widely adopted, the results were at best unconvincing. Yet, if the presidential republic was good for America, why could such a model of government be ineffective or even ‘dangerous’ elsewhere?"
AUTHOR
Jean Blondel
PUBLISHED
2015 in Palgrave Macmillan, London
SUBMITTED BY
JAloni 105
No
No
2
Presidentialism Reconsidered: The Relevance of an Old Debate
"This article takes us back to scholarly debates that raged through the 1990s on the ‘perils of presidentialism’ for new democracies, and the suitability or otherwise of presidential democracy as a political system for ethnically divided societies. It shows convincingly that this debate remains relevant today, with so many ‘Third Wave’ democracies having chosen presidential systems as part of their constitutional arrangements. As the author notes, ‘the number of “basically open” regimes with a presidential form of government has been following a steady upward trend since 1976, and increased significantly from only nine in 1955 to 38 in 2007’. The article also provides a classification of presidential electoral systems over time that is very relevant to the debate on presidentialism and the risk of ethnic violence. It seems to me, however, that the author misses some of the most important conclusions about the subject presented by her own data. By surveying the debates of previous decades so faithfully she neglects several opportunities to break new ground and overlooks more recent developments, both in terms of actual institutional choices in presidential democ- racies as well as the findings of other scholarly studies."
AUTHOR
Benjamin Reilly
PUBLISHED
2013 in Ethnopolitics
SUBMITTED BY
JAloni 105
NO DATA
NO DATA
3
Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism
"The presidential-parliamentary distinction is foundational to comparative politics and at the center of a large theoretical and empirical literature. However, an examination of constitutional texts suggests a fair degree of heterogeneity within these categories with respect to important institutional attributes. These observations lead us to suspect that the classic presidential-parliamentary distinction, as well as the semi-presidential category, is not a systemic one. This paper investigates whether the defining attributes that separate presidential and parliamentary constitutions predict other attributes that are stereotypically associated with these institutional models. The results lead us to be highly skeptical of the “systemic” nature of the classification. Indeed, the results imply that if one wanted to predict the powers of the executive and legislature, one would be better off knowing where and when the constitution was written than in knowing whether it was presidential or parliamentary."
AUTHORS
Jose A. Cheibub
Zachary Elkins
Tom Ginsburg
PUBLISHED
2013 in SSRN Electronic Journal
SUBMITTED BY
JAloni 105
No
No
4
AUTHOR
Byung Jin Han
PUBLISHED
2012 in THE JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES
SUBMITTED BY
JAloni 105
Yes
Yes
5
Presidential and Democratic Breakdowns in Latin America: Similar Causes, Different Outcomes (Chapter)
"This volume is the first comprehensive analysis of a new type of executive instability without regime instability in Latin America referred to as "presidential breakdown." It includes a theoretical introduction framing the debate within the institutional literature on democracy and democratization, and the implications of this new type of executive instability for presidential democracies. Two comparative chapters analyze the causes, procedures, and outcomes of presidential breakdowns in a regional perspective, and country studies provide in-depth analyses of all countries in Latin America that have experienced one or several presidential breakdowns: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Guatemala, Paraguay, Peru, and Venezuela. The book also includes an epilogue on the 2009 presidential crisis in Honduras."
AUTHORS
Michael E. Álvarez
Leiv Marsteintredet
PUBLISHED
2010 in Presidential Breakdowns in Latin America (Book)
SUBMITTED BY
JAloni 105
NO DATA
NO DATA
6
Introduction: Presidentialism and Presidential Breakdowns in Latin America
"When Juan Linz published his book on the breakdown of democratic regimes, the third wave of democratization was just beginning in Latin America. At the time, military regimes and regime instability had been the rule for decades, and in this context Linz argued that, among other factors, the characteristics of presidentialism, the prevailing regime type in the region, could explain Latin America’s endemic instability and authoritarian tendencies. Thirty years on, however, the third wave seems to have marked the end of democratic breakdown and long-lived authoritarian regimes. Latin America is still dominated by a variety of presidential regimes and, with few exceptions, democracy, albeit imperfect, holds sway from the Rio Bravo to Tierra del Fuego. Even though democratic regime breakdowns are less of a peril now than they were thirty years ago, government crises have persisted into the democratic era. These crises, which in contemporary Latin America occur separately from regime crises, are the object of study of this book."
AUTHORS
Mariana Llanos
Leiv Marsteintredet
PUBLISHED
2010 in Palgrave Macmillan, New York
SUBMITTED BY
JAloni 105
Couldn't Identify
Couldn't Identify
7
Presidential breakdowns in Latin America: Causes and outcomes of executive instability in developing democracies
"This volume is the first comprehensive analysis of a new type of executive instability without regime instability in Latin America referred to as "presidential breakdown." It includes a theoretical introduction framing the debate within the institutional literature on democracy and democratization, and the implications of this new type of executive instability for presidential democracies. Two comparative chapters analyze the causes, procedures, and outcomes of presidential breakdowns in a regional perspective, and country studies provide in depth analyses of all countries in Latin America that have experienced one or several presidential breakdowns: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Guatemala, Paraguay, Peru, and Venezuela."
AUTHORS
Mariana Llanos
Leiv Marsteintredet
PUBLISHED
2010 in Presidential Breakdowns in Latin America: Causes and Outcomes of Executive Instability in Developing Democracies
SUBMITTED BY
JAloni 105
Couldn't Identify
Couldn't Identify
8
Perils of Parliamentarism? Political Systems and the Stability of Democracy Revisited
"Parliamentary systems are generally regarded as superior to presidential ones in democratic sustenance. This article contributes to the debate on the relationship between systems of government and the survival of democracy by bringing in a new perspective and analysing the experiences of 131 democracies during 1960–2006. We argue that systems of government do matter, but their effects are indirect; they exert their influence through societies’ prior democratic records. Confirming the conventional argument, our data analysis shows that uninterrupted parliamentary democracies face significantly lower risks of a first breakdown than their presidential counterparts. Contrary to the common understanding, however, we find that the risk of a democratic breakdown can be higher for parliamentary regimes than for presidential regimes among the countries whose democracy has collapsed in the past. Furthermore, the risk of a previously failed democracy falling again grows as (the risk of) government crises increase(s). Hence our study questions the common belief that parliamentary systems are categorically more conducive to democratic stability than presidential ones."
AUTHORS
Taeko Hiroi
Sawa Omori
PUBLISHED
2009 in Democratization
SUBMITTED BY
JAloni 105
No
No
9
The Failure of Presidentialism in Central Asia
"Abstract Institutional design can impact the dynamics of power relations in Central Asian states. Majoritarianism and the rigidity of the fixed terms of presidential systems are amplified by the personalist regimes of Central Asia, often leading to instability. A parliamentary system may reduce the political repression of these regimes by decreasing the stakes in each particular election. It may also increase stability due to the higher flexibility of the system. The effectiveness of the parliamentary system, however, depends largely on the existence of strong cohesive parties. Abstract Institutional design can impact the dynamics of power relations in Central Asian states. Majoritarianism and the rigidity of the fixed terms of presidential systems are amplified by the personalist regimes of Central Asia, often leading to instability. A parliamentary system may reduce the political repression of these regimes by decreasing the stakes in each particular election. It may also increase stability due to the higher flexibility of the system. The effectiveness of the parliamentary system, however, depends largely on the existence of strong cohesive parties."
AUTHOR
Sherzod Abdukadirov
PUBLISHED
2009 in Asian Journal of Political Science
SUBMITTED BY
JAloni 105
Yes
Yes
10
Measuring the Presidential Risk Factor: A Comment on Cheibub’s Presidentialism, Parliamentarism, and Democracy
"I argue that the vision of “self-enforcing” democratization found in, for example, Przeworski (1992) and Acemoglou and Robinson (2007)—wherein democracy represents an organic balance of power between society’s actors, arrived at through a potentially long process of political give and take—is relevant for understanding an important difference between the modal democracies born during and after the Cold War. Given the logic of the self-enforcing democratization literature, and the evidence of an increased incidence of “electoral authoritarianism” in the Cold War period, I demonstrate that we should expect a much smaller estimated impact of the presidential risk factor after the Cold War than during it, even if presidentialism’s effect on breakdown remains constant."
AUTHOR
William C. Terry
PUBLISHED
2008 in Symposium: Democracy and Its Development 2005-2011
SUBMITTED BY
JAloni 105
Yes
Yes
11
Presidentialism, Parliamentarism, and Democracy
"Is presidentialism harmful to democratic consolidation? The literature (Linz 1990) provides theoretical grounds linking presidentialism and authoritarian reversals. However, contradictory findings generate scholarly disagreements and suspicions regarding the claim. To solve this puzzle, I propose that democratic breakdown needs to be understood as a two-step process, from democratic crisis to democratic breakdown. By doing so, I argue that Linz's argument on the curse of presidentialism is valid. I argue that presidentialism generates political instability through its institutions which are associated with the emergence of democratic crisis, but political instability does not lead a democracy from democratic crisis to democratic breakdown. Therefore, once a crisis occurs, presidentialism has no explanatory power on whether the existing crisis will successfully lead to a democratic breakdown. Using the data covering all democratic regimes from 1946 to 2008 with regime-year as the unit of analysis and the Heckman probit selection model as the main estimation, I demonstrate that presidential democracies are more likely to encounter crises compared to parliamentarism and semi-presidentialism. However, once a crisis is present, presidentialism does not warrant a higher likelihood of breakdown. Therefore, the findings suggest that Linz was correct about presidentialism generating unstable democracies, but not in the way in which he theorized. That is, presidentialism indirectly contributes to the likelihood of democratic breakdown."
AUTHOR
Jose Antonio Cheibub
PUBLISHED
2007 by Cambridge University Press (Book)
SUBMITTED BY
JAloni 105
NO DATA
NO DATA
12
Facing the Perils of Presidentialism?
"Juan Linz's classic article laid out 4 major perils of presidentialism in the context of Latin American experience, which unleashed a flood of scholarship about the topic. Very little of the literature, however, has taken account of recent developments in East Asia, where the majority of new democracies have presidential systems. Here, Fukuyama et al consider the developments in the Philippines, Indonesia, South Korea, and Taiwan, and explore to what extent Linz's critique and prediction have been borne out in East Asia."
HIGHLY REGARDED SOURCE
AUTHORS
Francis Fukuyama
Bjorn Dressel
Boo-Seung Chang
PUBLISHED
2005 in Journal of Democracy
SUBMITTED BY
JAloni 105
NO DATA
NO DATA
13
Minority Governments, Deadlock Situations, and the Survival of Presidential Democracies
"What are the conditions that generate minority presidents, minority governments, and deadlock in presidential regimes? What is the impact of minority presidents, minority governments, and deadlock on the survival of these regimes? Based on data for all presidential democracies that existed between 1946 and 1996, the author shows (a) that characteristics of the electoral and party systems do affect the level of support for the president in congress and hence the probability of minority presidents and minority governments; (b) that these characteristics, and the minority governments they generate, do not make deadlock more likely; and (c) that minority presidents, minority governments, and deadlock do not affect the survival of presidential democracies. Together, these findings suggest that the view that explains the instability of presidential democracies in terms of the type of executive-legislative relations these regimes are likely to induce must be abandoned. The author offers two reasons, institutional in nature, that may account for the instability of presidential regimes."
HIGHLY REGARDED SOURCE
AUTHOR
JOSÉ ANTONIO CHEIBUB
PUBLISHED
2002 in Comparative Political Studies
SUBMITTED BY
JAloni 105
NO DATA
NO DATA
14
Democratic Institutions And Regime Survival: Parliamentary and Presidential Democracies Reconsidered
"We review arguments and empirical evidence in the comparative literature that bear on the differences in the survival rates of parliamentary and presidential democracies. Most of these arguments focus on the fact that presidential democracies are based on the separation of executive and legislative powers, whereas parliamentary democracies are based on the fusion of these powers. The implications of this basic distinction lead to radically different behavior and outcomes under each regime. We argue that this perspective is misguided and that one cannot deduce the functioning of the political system from the way governments are formed. Other provisions, constitutional and otherwise, also affect the way parliamentary and presidential democracies operate, and these provisions may counteract some of the tendencies that we would expect to observe if we derived the regime's performance from its basic constitutional principle."
HIGHLY REGARDED SOURCE
AUTHOR
José Antonio Cheibub Fernando Limongi
PUBLISHED
2002 in Annual Review of Political Science
SUBMITTED BY
JAloni 105
Couldn't Identify
Couldn't Identify
15
AUTHOR
Stephen D. Wrage
PUBLISHED
1998 in International Studies Review
SUBMITTED BY
JAloni 105
Couldn't Identify
Couldn't Identify
16
Juan Linz, Presidentialism, and Democracy: A Critical Appraisal
"The perils of presidential systems are not as great as Juan Linz has argued. Presidentialism is less oriented toward winner-takes-all results than Westminster parliamentary systems. The superior record of parliamentary systems has rested partly on where they have been implemented, and presidentialism has some advantages that partially offset its drawbacks. These advantages can be maximized by paying careful attention to differences among presidential systems. Finally, switching from presidential to parliamentary systems could exacerbate problems of governability in countries with undisciplined parties. Even if parliamentary government is more conducive to stable democracy, much rests on what kind of parliamentary or presidential system is implemented."
AUTHORS
Scott Mainwaring
Matthew S. Shugart
PUBLISHED
1997 in Comparative Politics
SUBMITTED BY
JAloni 105
NO DATA
NO DATA
17
Presidential Institutions and Democratic Politics: Comparing Regional and National Contexts
"While many comparative analysts see parliamentary government as essential for stable democracy, this volume argues that the American presidential system that separates and diffuses power can provide new perspectives for those building democratic institutions in Latin America, Eastern Europe, and the new republics of the former Soviet Union. The authors recognize risks of rigidity, gridlock, and excessive centralization in presidential institutions. But they also emphasize the unexpected levels of legislative productivity during periods of divided government, the dramatic reversal of declining popularity by Presidents Reagan and Clinton, and the importance of direct appeals by presidents to the nation.After examining the American presidential system, the authors focus on the de-facto separation of powers in European parliaments and presidentialism in France, Latin America, and Eastern Europe. Both trends in European parliamentary systems and the dramatic changes within French presidential institutions suggest that scholars should temper broad generalizations about presidential or parliamentary government."
AUTHOR
Kurt Von Mettenheim
PUBLISHED
1997 in Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press
SUBMITTED BY
JAloni 105
Mixed Results
Mixed Results
18
AUTHOR
Anthony Mughan
PUBLISHED
1995 in International Studies Review
SUBMITTED BY
JAloni 105
Couldn't Identify
Couldn't Identify
19
Electoral Laws and the Survival of Presidential Democracies
"In orderd to demonstrate the importance of a strong presidential legislative contingent for the successful functioning of democratic presidential government, Jones offers an examination of electoral data and examples from two separate populations: sixtenn Latin American presidential democracies and twenty-three Argentine provincial systems. Jones uses these data as evidence to support his argument that presidential systems that consistently fail to provide their president with adequate legislative support are inherently unstable and ineffective."
AUTHOR
Mark P Jones
PUBLISHED
1995 in Title from the Helen Kellogg Institute for International Studies
SUBMITTED BY
JAloni 105
Yes
Yes
20
The Failure of Presidential Democracy
""With a superb cast of contributors and a well-chosen sample of countries, The Failure of Presidential Democracy treats a central issue in the world today, as more and more countries try to construct durable democracies. It also reflects the new emphasis in political science on institutions, an area that has been sorely neglected in Latin American studies. Indeed, the book fills a huge informational and analytical gap on institutional arrangements in Latin American political systems. This is a stimulating, thoughtful, and relevant book—well suited to classroom use in courses on comparative politics and Latin American politics."—Paul W. Drake, University of California, San Diego. Complete Edition."
AUTHOR
Juan J. Linz
PUBLISHED
1994 by JHU Press (Book)
SUBMITTED BY
JAloni 105
NO DATA
NO DATA







ADDITIONAL STUDIES TO CONSIDER ADDING TO LIST
Total additional studies: 1
State of K's algorithms generated the list of studies below based on the studies that were added to the above list. Some of these studies may also examine: "Are presidential democracies more prone to becoming dictatorships than parliamentary democracies?" If a study examines this question, add it to the list by pressing the button.

Only add studies that examine the same question. Do not add studies that are merely on the same topic.

Presidents and Assemblies
You can view the abstract at: https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139173988
AUTHORS
Matthew Soberg Shugart
John M. Carey
PUBLISHED
1992 in Cambridge University Press

Add to List
Institutional Choice between Presidentialism and Parliamentarism
You can view the abstract at: https://doi.org/10.5823/jarees.2005.109
AUTHOR
Yuko TSUDA
PUBLISHED
2005 in Russian and East European Studies

Add to List
Presidentialism and democracy in Latin America
You can view the abstract at: https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.35-3543
PUBLISHED
1998 in Choice Reviews Online

Add to List
Semi-Presidentialism and Democracy
"Explores the effect of semi-presidentialism on newly-democratising countries. In recent years semi-presidentialism - the situation where a constitution makes provision for both a directly elected president and a prime minister who is responsible to the legislature - has become the regime type of choice for many countries."
AUTHORS
R. Elgie
S. Moestrup
Y. Wu
PUBLISHED
2011 by Springer (Book)

Add to List

QUESTIONS TO CONSIDER
Add question
What additional question do you want someone who searches for "are presidential democracies more prone to becoming dictatorships than parliamentary democracies" to consider?