Does granting legal status to undocumented immigrants reduce their likelihood of committing crime?

Submitted by: PSingh 0

Yes. The studies in this list for which we have identified answers are unanimous on this conclusion.
This short answer was generated by aggregating the answers that each of the 5 studies below gave to the question (as indicated by State of K members) and adjusting for source quality and other factors. If key studies are missing or the answers attributed to individual studies are incorrect, the above answer could be wrong. For medical questions, don't rely on the information here. Consult a medical professional.


Chart summary of 5 studies examining this question

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QUESTIONS TO CONSIDER
Do undocumented immigrants commit more crime than native-born Americans?
10 studies
Submitted by: EZabel 110

Does deporting undocumented immigrants reduce crime?
3 studies
Submitted by: GFarahani 0

Do legal immigrants commit more crime than native-born Americans?
44 studies
Submitted by: LWong 0

Do undocumented immigrants commit more crime than native-born Americans?
10 studies
Submitted by: EZabel 110

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SUMMARIES OF STUDIES
Total studies in list: 5
Sorted by publication year
1
Clicking on Heaven’s Door: The Effect of Immigrant Legalization on Crime
"We estimate the e ect of immigrant legalization on the crime rate of immigrants in Italy by exploiting an ideal regression discontinuity design: xed quotas of residence permits are available each year, applications must be submitted electronically on speci c \Click Days", and are processed on a rst-come, rst-served basis until the available quotas are exhausted. Matching data on applications with individual- level criminal records, we show that legalization reduces the crime rate of legalized immigrants by 0.6 percentage points on average, on a baseline crime rate of 1.1 percent."
AUTHOR
Paolo Pinotti
PUBLISHED
2017 in American Economic Review
High quality source
Yes
Yes
2
Immigrant Crime and Legal Status: Evidence from Repeated Amnesty Programs
"Do general amnesty programs lead to reductions in the crime rate among immigrants? Weanswer this question by exploiting both cross-sectional and time variation in the number ofimmigrants legalized generated by the enactment of repeated amnesty programs between1990 and 2005 in Italy. We address the potential endogeneity of the “legalization treatment”"by instrumenting the actual number of legalized immigrants with alternative predictedmeasures based on past amnesty applications patterns and residential choices ofdocumented and undocumented immigrants. \n\nWe find that, in the year following an amnesty,regions in which a higher share of immigrants obtained legal status experienced a greaterdecline in non-EU immigrant crime rates, relative to other regions. The effect is statisticallysignificant but relatively small and not persistent. In further results, we fail to find anyevidence of substitution in the criminal market from other population groups - namely, EUimmigrants and Italian citizens - and we observe a small and not persistent reduction in totaloffenses."
AUTHOR
Francesco Fasani
PUBLISHED
2016 in IZA Discussion Papers, No. 10235
UNRANKED SOURCE
Yes
Yes
3
Effects of Immigrant Legalization on Crime
"I examine the effects that the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA), which legalized almost 3 million immigrants, had on crime in the United States. I exploit the IRCA's quasi-random timing as well as geographic variation in the intensity of treatment to isolate causal impacts. I find decreases in crime of 3-5 percent, primarily due to decline in property crimes, equivalent to 120,000-180,000 fewer violent and property crimes committed each year due to legalization. I calibrate a labor market model of crime, finding that much of the drop in crime can be explained by greater labor market opportunities among applicants."
AUTHOR
Scott R. Baker
PUBLISHED
2015 in American Economic Review
High quality source
Yes
Yes
4
Immigration, Employment Opportunities, and Criminal Behavior
"We take advantage of provisions of the Immigration Reform andControl Act of 1986 (IRCA), which granted legal resident status tolong-time unauthorized residents but created new obstacles toemployment for more recent immigrants, to explore howemployment opportunities affect criminal behavior. \n\nExploiting administrative data on the criminal justice involvement ofindividuals in San Antonio, Texas and using a difference-indifferencesstrategy, we find evidence of an increase in felonycharges filed against residents most likely to be affected by IRCA’semployment regulations. Our results suggest a strong relationshipbetween access to legal jobs and criminal behavior."
AUTHORS
Sarah Bohn
Emily Owens
Matthew Freedman
PUBLISHED
2015 in Working Paper
UNRANKED SOURCE
Yes
Yes
5
Legal Status and the Criminal Activity of Immigrants
"We exploit exogenous variation in legal status following the January2007 European Union enlargement to estimate its effect on immigrantcrime. We difference out unobserved time-varying factors by(i) comparing recidivism rates of immigrants from the “new” and“candidate” member countries; and (ii) using arrest data on foreigndetainees released upon a mass clemency that occurred in Italyin August 2006. The timing of the two events allows us to setup adifference-in-differences strategy. \n\nLegal status leads to a 50 percentreduction in recidivism, and explains one-half to two-thirds of theobserved differences in crime rates between legal and illegal immigrants."
AUTHORS
Giovanni Mastrobuoni
Paolo Pinotti
PUBLISHED
2015 in American Economic Journal: Applied Economics
High quality source
Yes
Yes







ADDITIONAL STUDIES TO CONSIDER ADDING TO LIST
Total additional studies: 32
State of K's algorithms generated the list of studies below based on the studies that were added to the above list. Some of these studies may also examine: "Does granting legal status to undocumented immigrants reduce their likelihood of committing crime?" If a study examines this question, add it to the list by pressing the button.

Only add studies that examine the same question. Do not add studies that are merely on the same topic.

Legal Status and the Criminal Activity of Immigrants
You can view the abstract at: https://doi.org/10.17848/wp14-212
AUTHORS
Paolo Pinotti
Giovanni Mastrobuoni
PUBLISHED
2014 in W.E. Upjohn Institute

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Undocumented Immigrants' State and Local Tax Contributions
"In the public debates over federal immigration reform, much has been made of the argument that undocumented immigrants would be a drain on federal, state and local government resources if granted legal status under reform. But it is also true that the 11.2 million undocumented immigrants living in the United..."
AUTHORS
Misha E Hill
Lisa Christensen Gee
PUBLISHED
in Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy

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Undocumented Immigrants' State and Local Tax Contributions | The Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy (ITEP)
"In the public debates over federal immigration reform, much has been made of the argument that undocumented immigrants would be a drain on federal, state and local government resources if granted legal status under reform. But it is also true that the 11.2 million undocumented immigrants living in the United..."
AUTHORS
Meg Wiehe
Misha E. Hill
Matthew Gardner
Lisa Christensen Gee
PUBLISHED
in Insitute on Taxation and Economic Policy

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Undocumented Immigrants Facts and Figures
"The Bush administration and members of Congress have proposed granting temporary legal status to undocumented immigrant workers currently residing in the United States. Our best estimate is that there are 9.3 million undocumented immigrants in the country, of whom about 6 million are working. There are 4.5 million undocumented men, 3.2 million women, and 1.6 million children. Another 3 million children with undocumented parents are U.S.-born citizens. Almost two-thirds of undocumented immigrants live in six states: California, Texas, New York, Florida, Illinois, and New Jersey. But the undocumented population is growing fastest in other Southeastern, Midwestern and Mountain states."
AUTHORS
The Dispersal
Low-wage Immigrant Workforce
United States
The Bush
Michael Fix January
Randy Capps et al
PUBLISHED
in Population (english edition)

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Do Amnesty Programs Reduce Undocumented Immigration? Evidence from Irca
"This article examines whether mass legalization programs reduce future undocumented immigration. We focus on the effects of the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act, which granted amnesty to nearly 2.7 million undocumented immigrants. We report that apprehensions of persons attempting to cross the U.S.-Mexico border illegally declined immediately following passage of the law but returned to normal levels during the period when undocumented immigrants could file for amnesty and the years thereafter. Our findings suggest that the amnesty program did not change long-term patterns of undocumented immigration from Mexico."
AUTHORS
Madeline Zavodny
Pia M. Orrenius
PUBLISHED
in Demography

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Do amnesty programs reduce undocumented immigration? Evidence from IRCA.
"This article examines whether mass legalization programs reduce future undocumented immigration. We focus on the effects of the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act, which granted amnesty to nearly 2.7 million undocumented immigrants. We report that apprehensions of persons attempting to cross the U.S.-Mexico border illegally declined immediately following passage of the law but returned to normal levels during the period when undocumented immigrants could file for amnesty and the years thereafter. Our findings suggest that the amnesty program did not change long-term patterns of undocumented immigration from Mexico."
AUTHORS
Madeline Zavodny
Pia M Orrenius
PUBLISHED
2003 in Demography

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Undocumented immigrants and their use of medical services in Orange County, California.
"Does an undocumented immigration status predict the use of medical services? To explore this question, this paper examines medical care utilization of undocumented Latino immigrants compared to Latino legal immigrants and citizens, and non-Latino whites in Orange County, California. Data were collected through a random sample telephone survey of 805 Latinos and 396 non-Hispanic whites between January 4 and January 30, 2006. Findings show that undocumented immigrants had relatively low incomes and were less likely to have medical insurance; experience a number of stresses in their lives; and underutilize medical services when compared to legal immigrants and citizens. Predictors of use of medical services are found to include undocumented immigration status, medical insurance, education, and gender. Undocumented Latinos were found to use medical services less than legal immigrants and citizens, and to rely more on clinic-based care when they do seek medical services."
AUTHOR
Leo R Chavez
PUBLISHED
in Social science & medicine (1982)

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Do amnesty programs reduce ondocumented immigration? Evidence from IRCA.
"This article examines whether mass legalization programs reduce future undocumented immi- gration. We focus on the effects of the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act, which granted amnesty to nearly 2.7 million undocumented immigrants. We report that apprehensions of persons attempting to cross the U.S.–Mexico border illegally declined immediately following passage of the law but returned to normal levels during the period when undocumented immigrants could file for amnesty and the years thereafter. Our findings suggest that the amnesty program did not change long-term patterns of undocumented immigration from Mexico."
AUTHORS
Madeline Zavodny
Pia M. Orrenius
PUBLISHED
in Demography

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Undocumented Immigrants, U.S. Citizens, and Convicted Criminals in Arizona
"Using newly released detailed data on all prisoners who entered the Arizona state prison from January 1985 through June 2017, we are able to separate non-U.S. citizens by whether they are illegal or legal residents. Unlike other studies, these data do not rely on self-reporting of criminal backgrounds. Undocumented immigrants are at least 142% more likely to be convicted of a crime than other Arizonans. They also tend to commit more serious crimes and serve 10.5% longer sentences, more likely to be classified as dangerous, and 45% more likely to be gang members than U.S. citizens. Yet, there are several reasons that these numbers are likely to underestimate the share of crime committed by undocumented immigrants. There are dramatic differences between in the criminal histories of convicts who are U.S. citizens and undocumented immigrants.

Young convicts are especially likely to be undocumented immigrants. While undocumented immigrants from 15 to 35 years of age make up slightly over two percent of the Arizona population, they make up about eight percent of the prison population. Even after adjusting for the fact that young people commit crime at higher rates, young undocumented immigrants commit crime at twice the rate of young U.S. citizens. These undocumented immigrants also tend to commit more serious crimes.

If undocumented immigrants committed crime nationally as they do in Arizona, in 2016 they would have been responsible for over 1,000 more murders, 5,200 rapes, 8,900 robberies, 25,300 aggravated assaults, and 26,900 burglaries."
PUBLISHED

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Crypto Currency as an Object and Instrument of Committing Crimes
"The article examines the legal status of cryptocurrencies in Russia. The authors study the civil and criminal law aspects of this phenomenon. The legislation does not define the legal status of cryptocurrencies, while the theory of law and court practice have not yet worked out a unified approach to it. The authors present an overview of the existing positions regarding this issue and suggest that cryptocurrency should be regarded as other property. It is stated that whatever position is incorporated into law, in real life cryptocurrency is in global circulation and has a great potential. As for criminal law, the authors show that it is relatively independent from civil law when dealing with issues within its object. It is suggested that, for the purposes of criminal law, the available instruments should be adjusted to enable a prompt reaction to the crimes committed at the present moment. The authors analyze the possibility of recognizing cryptocurrencies as an object and instrument of committing crimes within the framework of current legislation. Using the examples different crimes, the authors demonstrate that cryptocurrency could act as an instrument of committing them. It is also stated that cryptocurrency could be recognized as an object of some crimes. To support their position, the authors present such arguments as crimes of terrorism, illegal trade in drugs and psychoactive substances, economic crimes and some others. They also discuss cryptocurrency as an object of theft. It is proven that there is a practical necessity to recognize cryptocurrency as an object of theft. Criticism of this approach by some researchers is also discussed. The authors, however, show that it is possible to solve this problem positively. They conclude that current Russian and foreign legislation should be amended and should define the legal status of cryptocurrencies; however, the goal of criminal law could and should be achieved even before these amendments are adopted."
AUTHORS
Nadezhda Tydykova
Anna Korennaya
PUBLISHED
2019 in Russian journal of criminology

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Undocumented Immigrants, U.S. Citizens, and Convicted Criminals in Arizona
NGO FUNDING
This organization does not disclose its donors
"Using newly released detailed data on all prisoners who entered the Arizona state prison from January 1985 through June 2017, we are able to separate non-U.S. citizens by whether they are illegal or legal residents. Unlike other studies, these data do not rely on self-reporting of criminal backgrounds. Undocumented immigrants are at least 142% more likely to be convicted of a crime than other Arizonans. They also tend to commit more serious crimes and serve 10.5% longer sentences, more likely to be classified as dangerous, and 45% more likely to be gang members than U.S. citizens. Yet, there are several reasons that these numbers are likely to underestimate the share of crime committed by undocumented immigrants. There are dramatic differences between in the criminal histories of convicts who are U.S. citizens and undocumented immigrants.

Young convicts are especially likely to be undocumented immigrants. While undocumented immigrants from 15 to 35 years of age make up slightly over two percent of the Arizona population, they make up about eight percent of the prison population. Even after adjusting for the fact that young people commit crime at higher rates, young undocumented immigrants commit crime at twice the rate of young U.S. citizens. These undocumented immigrants also tend to commit more serious crimes.

If undocumented immigrants committed crime nationally as they do in Arizona, in 2016 they would have been responsible for over 1,000 more murders, 5,200 rapes, 8,900 robberies, 25,300 aggravated assaults, and 26,900 burglaries."
AUTHOR
John R. Lott
PUBLISHED
2018 by Crime Prevention Research Center (NGO)

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Undocumented Immigrants, U.S. Citizens, and Convicted Criminals in Arizona
NGO FUNDING
This organization does not disclose its donors
"Using newly released detailed data on all prisoners who entered the Arizona state prison from January 1985 through June 2017, we are able to separate non-U.S. citizens by whether they are illegal or legal residents. Unlike other studies, these data do not rely on self-reporting of criminal backgrounds. Undocumented immigrants are at least 142% more likely to be convicted of a crime than other Arizonans. They also tend to commit more serious crimes and serve 10.5% longer sentences, more likely to be classified as dangerous, and 45% more likely to be gang members than U.S. citizens. Yet, there are several reasons that these numbers are likely to underestimate the share of crime committed by undocumented immigrants. There are dramatic differences between in the criminal histories of convicts who are U.S. citizens and undocumented immigrants.

Young convicts are especially likely to be undocumented immigrants. While undocumented immigrants from 15 to 35 years of age make up slightly over two percent of the Arizona population, they make up about eight percent of the prison population. Even after adjusting for the fact that young people commit crime at higher rates, young undocumented immigrants commit crime at twice the rate of young U.S. citizens. These undocumented immigrants also tend to commit more serious crimes.

If undocumented immigrants committed crime nationally as they do in Arizona, in 2016 they would have been responsible for over 1,000 more murders, 5,200 rapes, 8,900 robberies, 25,300 aggravated assaults, and 26,900 burglaries."
AUTHOR
John R. Lott
PUBLISHED
2018 by Crime Prevention Research Center (NGO)

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UNDOCUMENTED IMMIGRANTS AS PERCEIVED CRIMINAL THREAT: A TEST OF THE MINORITY THREAT PERSPECTIVE*
"The link between immigration and crime has garnered considerable attention from researchers. Although the weight of evidence suggests that immigration is not linked to crime, the public consistently views immigrants, especially undocumented immigrants, as criminal and thus a threat to social order. However, little attention has been paid to why they are perceived this way. By drawing on the minority threat perspective, this article investigates the effects of objective and perceptual measures of community context on perceived criminal threat from undocumented immigrants. Analyses of data collected from four Southwest states and the U.S. Census show that the perceived size of the undocumented immigrant population, more so than the actual size of the immigrant population and economic conditions, is positively associated with perceptions of undocumented immigrants as a criminal threat. Additional analyses show that objective measures of community context do not affect native respondents’ perceptions of the size of the undocumented immigrant population. The study's findings and their implications for theory, research, and policy are discussed."
AUTHOR
XIA WANG
PUBLISHED
2012 in Criminology

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Highly regarded source
Immigration and Crime: Assessing a Conflicted Issue
"Some opinion surveys show that the public thinks immigrants overall or illegal aliens in particular have high rates of crime. On the other hand, a number of academic researchers and journalists have argued that immigrants have low rates of crime. In our view, poor data quality and conflicting evidence mean that neither of these views is well supported.

\n\nIn conclusion, we find that it would be a mistake to assume that immigrants as a group are more prone to crime than other groups, or that they should be viewed with more suspicion than others. Even though immigrant incarceration rates are high in some populations, there is no clear evidence that immigrants commit crimes at higher or lower rates than others. Nevertheless, it also would be a mistake to conclude that immigrant crime is insignificant or that offenders’ immigration status is irrelevant in local policing.

\n\nThe newer information available as a result of better screening of the incarcerated population suggests that, in many parts of the country, immigrants are responsible for a significant share of crime. This indicates that there are legitimate public safety reasons for local law enforcement agencies to determine the immigration status of offenders and to work with federal immigration authorities."
AUTHORS
Steven A. Camarota
Jessica Vaughan
PUBLISHED
2009 in Center for Immigration Studies

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Immigrant Crime and Legal Status
"Do general amnesty programs lead to reductions in the crime rate among immigrants? We answer this question by exploiting both cross-sectional and time variation in the number of immigrants legalized generated by the enactment of repeated amnesty programs between 1990 and 2005 in Italy. We address the potential endogeneity of the "legalization treatment'' by instrumenting the actual number of legalized immigrants with alternative predicted measures based on past amnesty applications patterns and residential choices of documented and undocumented immigrants. We find that, in the year following an amnesty, regions in which a higher share of immigrants obtained legal status experienced a greater decline in non-EU immigrant crime rates, relative to other regions. The effect is statistically significant but relatively small and not persistent. In further results, we fail to find any evidence of substitution in the criminal market from other population groups -- namely, EU immigrants and Italian citizens -- and we observe a small and not persistent reduction in total offenses."
AUTHOR
Francesco Fasani
PUBLISHED

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Does Undocumented Immigration Increase Violent Crime?
"Despite substantial public, political, and scholarly attention to the issue of immigration and crime, we know little about the criminological consequences of undocumented immigration. As a result, fundamental questions about whether undocumented immigration increases violent crime remain unanswered. In an attempt to address this gap, we combine newly developed estimates of the unauthorized population with multiple data sources to capture the criminal, socioeconomic, and demographic context of all 50 states and Washington, DC, from 1990 to 2014 to provide the first longitudinal analysis of the macro‐level relationship between undocumented immigration and violence. The results from fixed‐effects regression models reveal that undocumented immigration does not increase violence. Rather, the relationship between undocumented immigration and violent crime is generally negative, although not significant in all specifications. Using supplemental models of victimization data and instrumental variable methods, we find little evidence that these results are due to decreased reporting or selective migration to avoid crime. We consider the theoretical and policy implications of these findings against the backdrop of the dramatic increase in immigration enforcement in recent decades."
AUTHORS
TY MILLER
MICHAEL T. LIGHT
PUBLISHED
2018 in Criminology

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DOES UNDOCUMENTED IMMIGRATION INCREASE VIOLENT CRIME?
"Despite substantial public, political, and scholarly attention to the issue of immigration and crime, we know little about the criminological consequences of undocumented immigration. As a result, fundamental questions about whether undocumented immigration increases violent crime remain unanswered. In an attempt to address this gap, we combine newly developed estimates of the unauthorized population with multiple data sources to capture the criminal, socioeconomic, and demographic context of all 50 states and Washington, DC, from 1990 to 2014 to provide the first longitudinal analysis of the macro-level relationship between undocumented immigration and violence. The results from fixed-effects regression models reveal that undocumented immigration does not increase violence. Rather, the relationship between undocumented immigration and violent crime is generally negative, although not significant in all specifications. Using supplemental models of victimization data and instrumental variable methods, we find little evidence that these results are due to decreased reporting or selective migration to avoid crime. We consider the theoretical and policy implications of these findings against the backdrop of the dramatic increase in immigration enforcement in recent decades."
AUTHORS
T Y Miller
Michael T Light
PUBLISHED
2017 in Criminology : an interdisciplinary journal

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Illegality and Criminality: The Differential Opportunity Structure of Undocumented Immigrants
"This chapter focuses on the relationship between illegality and
criminality. The central question is whether (and how) illegality
might be associated with criminality. Are undocumented immigrants
more involved in crime than others or does their undocumented
status in fact cause them to refrain from criminality? The emphasis
of this chapter is on differences between different categories of immigrants
and patterns of involvement in crime and how these patterns
can be explained.

\n\nThe chapter proceeds through five sections. In the
first section we discuss the conceptual framework and focus specifically
on the differential opportunity structures of undocumented
immigrants. We present in the second section a brief outline of the
city of Rotterdam, the location of the case study. The third section
comprises our examination of the relationship between illegality
and criminality using our analysis of official statistics concerning
apprehensions by the police as well as expulsions of undocumented
immigrants. In the fourth section we attempt to explain the empirical
patterns of involvement in crime, while in the concluding section we
discuss some possible perverse effects of the current restrictive migration
regime"
AUTHORS
Joanne van der Leun
Godfried Engbersen
PUBLISHED
1998 in The New Migration in Europe (Book)

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Age at immigration and crime in Stockholm using sibling comparisons
FUNDERS
NordForsk Researcher Network
"Past Swedish research has shown that immigrants arriving in the receiving country at an older age are less likely to commit crime than immigrants arriving at a younger age. Segmented assimilation theory argues that the family and neighborhood may be important factors affecting how age at immigration and crime are related to one another. This study used population-based register data on foreign-background males from Stockholm to test the effect of age at immigration on crime. Potential confounding from the family and neighborhood was addressed using variables and modeling strategies. Initial results, using variables to control for confounding, showed that people who immigrated around age 4 were the most likely to be suspected of a crime. When controlling for unmeasured family characteristics, it seemed that a later age at immigration was tied to a lower likelihood of crime, which does not corroborate past research findings. The effect of age at immigration, however, was not statistically significant. The results imply that future research on entire families may be a worthwhile endeavor. "
AUTHOR
Amber L. Beckley
PUBLISHED
2015 in Social Science Research

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Examining the Relationship between Immigration Status and Criminal Involvement: Do Illegal Immigrants Commit More Crime?
"A perceived link between illegal immigration and crime continues to exist. Citizens continue to believe that immigration creates crime and fear that as the immigrant population grows, their safety is jeopardized. Not much research in the field of criminology, however, has focused on examining this perceived relationship between immigration and crime. Those studies which have examined the relationship have mainly relied on official data to conduct their analysis. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the relationship between immigration and crime by examining self report data as well as some official data on immigration status and criminal involvement. More specifically, this thesis examines the
relationship between immigration status and four different types of criminal involvement; property crimes, violent crimes, drug sales, and drug use. Data from a sample of 1,990 arrestees in the Maricopa County, Arizona, was used to conduct this analysis. This data was collected through the Arizona Arrestee Reporting Information Network over the course of a year. The results of the logistic regression models indicate that immigrants tend to commit less crime than U.S. citizens. Furthermore, illegal immigrants are significantly less likely than U.S. citizens to commit any of the four types of crimes, with the exception of powder cocaine use."
AUTHOR
Lidia E. Nuño
PUBLISHED
2011 in Thesis

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The Price of Citizenship
"The institution of citizenship is the prize of formal belonging for immigrant rights SMOs. “Civic-economic participation” justifies a path to citizenship for unauthorized immigrants. Because they work hard and contribute, these deserving de facto Americans cross a symbolic boundary that should shift to accommodate them and grant them legal status. The immigration control side believes that maintaining a firm boundary around citizenship will help prevent the problems “illegal aliens” bring. The “consequences of amnesty” are constructed through constant itemization of all the “costs” of “illegal” immigration. Because citizenship has a “price” that is largely economic, both sides marshal statistics to buttress their arguments. The bottom line, however, is that citizenship must be earned—alongside its legal aspects, it is a profoundly moral category of belonging."
AUTHOR
Bernadette Nadya Jaworsky
PUBLISHED
in Palgrave Macmillan, Cham

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The land of the free: Undocumented families in the juvenile justice system.
"Approximately 8 million Latinos in the United States are undocumented immigrants, nearly half of whom are parents to a minor. Concerns over deportation may affect the way families with undocumented members perceive legal authorities relative to documented immigrant families. Yet, there have been few studies on how Latinos (documented or undocumented) interact with, and form attitudes about, police and no studies on adjudicated youth from families with an undocumented member. To address this gap, 155 pairs (N = 310) of Latina immigrant mothers and their first-time offending sons were interviewed. More than half of the mothers, and 12.3% of youth, were undocumented residents. Controlling for key contextual factors, youth whose mothers were undocumented held more negative attitudes toward the police than youth whose mothers were documented. Youth, however, did not perceive judges differently based on mother's documentation status, suggesting that documentation status relates to police specifically rather than justice system attitudes broadly. The same pattern was noted when considering youth's own documentation status. Because negative attitudes toward police have been associated with decreased reports of victimization and other crimes, policy related to undocumented immigration should consider the unintended effects of such laws. (PsycINFO Database Record "
AUTHORS
Elizabeth Cauffman
Caitlin Cavanagh
PUBLISHED
2015 in Law and Human Behavior

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The economic consequences of amnesty for unauthorized immigrants
NGO FUNDING
This organization does not disclose its donors
"Intro: Whether to offer a legalization program to unauthorized immi- grants is ultimately a moral and political decision, but policymakers should also consider the economic implications of an amnesty. Legalization has economic benefits, most of which accrue to the peo- ple who adjust their status and their families. Tax revenues are likely to increase, an important consideration in an era of large deficits. There are costs as well: an amnesty entails losing the benefits of hav- ing a relatively cheap, flexible workforce; there may be a negative labor market impact on competing workers; and government trans- fers to the legalized population may rise. More importantly, policy- makers need to think carefully about the implications of a legalization program for future illegal and legal immigration. The U.S. experi- ence after IRCA indicates that an amnesty not accompanied by a well-designed, comprehensive overhaul of legal immigration policy can lead to increased legal and illegal flows and political backlashes."
AUTHORS
Madeline Zavodny
Pia M. Orrenius
PUBLISHED
by Cato Journal (NGO)

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Psychological distress among Mexican-American and Mexican women as related to status on the new immigration law.
"Psychological distress in relation to the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act was examined among 90 Mexican-American and Mexican women divided into three groups (n = 30 each): undocumented immigrants who did not qualify for amnesty, undocumented immigrants who qualified for amnesty, and legal residents of the United States of Mexican descent. Results indicate that the undocumented immigrants who did not qualify for amnesty obtained significantly higher scores on hostility. Contrary to prediction, undocumented immigrants who qualified for amnesty obtained lower scores in anxiety (a statistical trend) than did the other two groups. No differences in global psychological distress were found between the undocumented immigrants and the legal residents."
AUTHORS
A DeWolfe
R Rodriguez
PUBLISHED

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Psychological distress among Mexican-American and Mexican women as related to status on the new immigration law
"Psychological distress in relation to the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act was examined among 90 Mexican-American and Mexican women divided into three groups (n = 30 each): undocumented immigrants who did not qualify for amnesty, undocumented immigrants who qualified for amnesty, and legal residents of the United States of Mexican descent. Results indicate that the undocumented immigrants who did not qualify for amnesty obtained significantly higher scores on hostility. Contrary to prediction, undocumented immigrants who qualified for amnesty obtained lower scores in anxiety (a statistical trend) than did the other two groups. No differences in global psychological distress were found between the undocumented immigrants and the legal residents."
AUTHORS
A. DeWolfe
R. Rodriguez
PUBLISHED
in Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology

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Immigration Amnesty and Immigrant's Earnings
"We review the role immigration amnesties have played in US immigration policy, placing them in the context of similar programs embarked upon by other nations. The theory of amnesties suggests rent-seeking, bargaining, and costs as reasons for a country offering an amnesty, often in conjunction with increased border controls, internal enforcement and employer penalties. We model an immigration amnesty in which the destination country has a formal sector employing only legal immigrants, an informal sector employing both legal and illegal immigrants, and open unemployment. The model focuses on the productivity enhancing effects of legalization, and establishes specific conditions under which unemployment, the informal sector and the formal sectors increase/decrease in size. Building on these insights, our empirical work examines Mexican migration to the US. We study who are migrants; among migrants, who are legalized via Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA), and who are legalized via sponsorship of family or employer. Furthermore, to measure the impact of amnesty on welfare of migrants, we estimate earnings equations of various migrants groups. © 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved."
AUTHORS
Myeong Su Yun
Ira N. Gang
PUBLISHED
in Research in Labor Economics

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Amnesty for crimes against humanity under international law
"Much of the recent scholarly writings and debates on amnesty have revolved around its lawfulness, when granted in respect of the most serious crimes under international law committed in the context of civil armed conflicts. The inconclusiveness of international law on this issue - with positive international law and "opinio juris" calling for criminal prosecution, and State's practice favouring practical political solutions - does nothing more than deepen the confusion already affecting the international legality of national amnesties. Building on emerging trends in State's practice, this book attempts to clarify the question of the legality of national amnesties for crimes against humanity by suggesting a compromised legal framework within which amnesty and accountability can both be accommodated.; Drawing on crystallizing trends in State's practice in respect of amnesty, this book provides a legal framework within which grants of amnesty can be reconciled with the duty to prosecute core crimes under international law."
AUTHOR
Faustin Z. Ntoubandi
PUBLISHED
in Amnesty for Crimes against Humanity under International Law (Book)

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Bypassing the prohibition of amnesty for human rights crimes under international law: Lessons learned from the Burundi peace process
"Focusing on the case of Burundi, this article analyses the effectiveness of the international prohibition of amnesty for serious human rights crimes at the national level, in the context of complex war-to-peace transitions based on power-sharing deals between former opponents. On the one hand, the amnesty prohibition has clearly affected Burundi’s peace process and its proposed transitional justice process. The prohibition found its way into national legislation and no amnesty was granted for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. Troughout its involvement with the Burundian peace process, the United Nations has systematically opposed the use of amnesty legislation that does not respect the constraints imposed by international law. On the other hand, imperatives of political expediency and the desire to safeguard short term political stability have given rise to the establishment and creative use of a sophisticated bypassing mechanism. Trough the combination of limitations imposed on the jurisdiction of the national criminal justice system, the use of temporary immunities and the delayed establishment of proposed transitional justice mechanisms, the amnesty prohibition has – so far – been most effectively circumvented. Te case of Burundi offers interesting insights into the limits of the global ‘ justice cascade’."
AUTHOR
Stef Vandeginste
PUBLISHED
in Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights

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How Interior Immigration Enforcement Affects Trust in Law Enforcement
"The day-to-day behaviors of undocumented immigrants are significantly affected when local law enforcement officials do the work of federal immigration enforcement. One such behavior, which has been widely discussed in debates over so-called sanctuary policies, is that undocumented immigrants are less likely to report crimes to the police when local law enforcement officials work with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) on federal immigration enforcement. However, the mechanism that explains this relationship of decreased trust in law enforcement has not yet been systematically tested. Do undocumented immigrants become less trusting of police officers and sheriffs when local law enforcement officials work with ICE on federal immigration enforcement? To answer this, we embedded an experiment that varied the interior immigration enforcement context in a survey (n = 512) drawn from a probability-based sample of undocumented immigrants. When local law enforcement officials work with ICE on federal immigration enforcement, respondents are statistically significantly less likely to say that they trust that police officers and sheriffs will keep them, their families, and their communities safe; will protect the confidentiality of witnesses to crimes even if they are undocumented; will protect the rights of all people equally, including undocumented immigrants; and will protect undocumented immigrants from abuse or discrimination."
AUTHORS
Elia Peralta
Michelle Gonzalez
Josefina Espino
Carolina Valdivia
S. Deborah Kang
Tom K. Wong
PUBLISHED
2020 in Perspectives on Politics

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Variations in healthcare access and utilization among Mexican immigrants: the role of documentation status.
"The objective of this study is to identify differences in healthcare access and utilization among Mexican immigrants by documentation status. Cross-sectional survey data are analyzed to identify differences in healthcare access and utilization across Mexican immigrant categories. Multivariable logistic regression and the Blinder-Oaxaca decomposition are used to parse out differences into observed and unobserved components. Mexican immigrants ages 18 and above who are immigrants of California households and responded to the 2007 California Health Interview Survey (2,600 documented and 1,038 undocumented immigrants). Undocumented immigrants from Mexico are 27% less likely to have a doctor visit in the previous year and 35% less likely to have a usual source of care compared to documented Mexican immigrants after controlling for confounding variables. Approximately 88% of these disparities can be attributed to predisposing, enabling and need determinants in our model. The remaining disparities are attributed to unobserved heterogeneity. This study shows that undocumented immigrants from Mexico are much less likely to have a physician visit in the previous year and a usual source of care compared to documented immigrants from Mexico. The recently approved Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act will not reduce these disparities unless undocumented immigrants are granted some form of legal status."
AUTHORS
Jeremiah Garza
Alexander N Ortega
Arturo Vargas Bustamante
Olivia Carter-Pokras
John A Rizzo
Steven P Wallace et al
PUBLISHED
2012 in Journal of Immigrant and Minority Health

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Legal Exclusion, Civic Exclusion: How Legal Status Stratifies Latino Immigrants’ Civic Engagement
FUNDERS
National Science Foundation Graduate Research Fellowship
" Unlike many other sociopolitical activities in the United States, civic engagement is not restricted by legal status and is often the initial and primary form of political action available to immigrants. Few studies, however, have disaggregated the impact of legal status on immigrants’ civic participation, despite civic engagement’s significance for immigrant incorporation and despite growing evidence of the stratifying effects of legal categories. Using Wave 1 of the Los Angeles Family and Neighborhood Survey, I nuance theories of legal status stratification by showing where legal status matters for Latino immigrants’ civic engagement and where it does not. Undocumented immigrants, I show, are significantly less likely to participate in general civic organizations, such as community and ethnic organizations, relative to documented immigrants. Likewise, undocumented mothers with undocumented children are less likely to volunteer in schools or participate in parent-teacher associations, compared to both documented mothers and undocumented mothers with documented children. By contrast, legal status does not stratify membership in religious institutions. Moreover, I theorize that undocumented immigrants’ lower levels of general civic engagement are partially mediated by access to US education, a significant site for immigrants’ civic development. This article informs understandings of legal status stratification and immigrant social incorporation. "
AUTHOR
Tianjian Lai
PUBLISHED
2020 in International Migration Review

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Immigration Enforcement, Deterrence, and Crime
" Does interior enforcement selectively deter Mexican migration? Our study shows that more aggressive enforcement increases the likelihood of having immigrants with US work experience and with jobs secured in the United States before their migration. We also look at whether having employment may be associated with lower crime incidence and shorter detention periods among immigrants. We find that employment decreases the likelihood of observing immigrants committing serious crimes and on the length of immigrant detention. By attracting quality workers, enforcement might decrease crime incidence, along with the length and costs of detention of removable immigrants in the United States. "
AUTHORS
Heriberto Gonzalez-Lozano
Sandra Orozco-Aleman
PUBLISHED
2020 in AEA Papers and Proceedings

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QUESTIONS TO CONSIDER
Do undocumented immigrants commit more crime than native-born Americans?
10 studies
Submitted by: EZabel 110

Does deporting undocumented immigrants reduce crime?
3 studies
Submitted by: GFarahani 0

Do legal immigrants commit more crime than native-born Americans?
44 studies
Submitted by: LWong 0

Do undocumented immigrants commit more crime than native-born Americans?
10 studies
Submitted by: EZabel 110

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